The division is based on similarity of political views and how parties are characterised in leading European media. Those designated centre-right or far right are the political forces that hold the corresponding views and are most consistently described in those terms by authoritative European outlets. It is on this basis that the Sweden Democrats, PVV, and the Italian Lega are classified as far right, despite being ideologically distinct within the broader far-right spectrum. PiS and Brothers of Italy are classified as centre-right on the basis of their political positions, though they are sometimes described as far right in the media.

The centre-right category includes:

• The Netherlands’ CDA ('Christian Democratic Appeal') and VVD ('People's Party for Freedom and Democracy')

• Sweden’s Centre Party, Moderate Party, and Christian Democrats

• Poland’s KO ('Civic Coalition'), PSL ('Polish People's Party'), and Law and Justice (PiS)

• Spain's People's Party

• Italy’s Forza Italia and Brothers of Italy

• France’s Renaissance and The Republicans

• Germany’s Christian Democratic Union

• Britain’s Conservative Party.

The far-right category includes:

• The Netherlands’ JA21 ('Right Answer: 21') and PVV ('Party for Freedom')

• The Sweden Democrats

• Poland’s Confederation

• Spain’s Vox

• Italy’s Lega

• France’s National Rally

• Germany’s AfD (‘Alternative for Germany’)

• Britain’s Reform UK.

The analysis of leading right-wing parties in these eight European countries is conducted in the context of their positions on the following key issues:

• security and defence

• crime

• employment and social policy

• the economy and cost of living

• healthcare

• migration policy

• climate and environmental protection

• the rule of law

• housing

• identity politics.

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What follows is a detailed examination of positions on each of these key issues.

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SECURITY AND DEFENCE

Strengthening security and defence is a priority for almost all right-wing parties.

 

Right-wing parties in Europe broadly support a substantial increase in security and defence spending. The main right-wing forces across European countries declare a target of approximately 2.5–3.5% of GDP, with the most ambitious plans coming from the Dutch right, which proposes 5% of GDP for all security-related needs.

 

Investment in the defence industry is an important component of this agenda. The Polish PiS and People’s Party, for instance, insist that half of all defence funding should go towards developing the national defence industry. The Spanish centre-right links army modernisation to the development of its own defence sector. The German Christian Democrats emphasise expanding international military cooperation and investing in new defence technologies.

 

On conscription, most right-wing parties support a combination of a professional army and reservists, though some favour the reintroduction of mandatory service. The Scandinavian, specifically Swedish, model of conscription serves as a reference point for the Dutch right, with the exception of Geert Wilders’ PVV. Under this model, 18-year-old Swedish male and female citizens are subject to military service, with a fixed number selected annually by a dedicated agency. Following a survey, selected candidates undergo a medical examination, after which the agency calls up those who are fit for service. Completing the survey is compulsory for all citizens at the age of 18, and those selected for military service following the medical examination cannot refuse, with the only alternative being civilian service within the armed forces.

 

The German Christian Democrats and British Conservatives are open to reintroducing some form of conscription for young men. Other right-wing parties, while supporting the need to attract additional military personnel, seek to limit this to a contract army supplemented by a volunteer reserve.

 

Support for NATO as the foundation of collective security in Europe is a common denominator for the vast majority of right-wing parties. Positions on the role of the European Union in the security sphere differ considerably. Centre-right parties — including the French Republicans, the Spanish People’s Party, the German Christian Democrats, the Polish KO, and Brothers of Italy — broadly support the idea of European strategic autonomy but stress the primacy of NATO’s security mechanisms. Far-right parties, by contrast, reject any strengthening of the EU’s own security role, viewing the transfer of additional powers to supranational structures in Brussels as inappropriate.

 

Support for Ukraine reveals the sharpest divide within the right-wing spectrum, with the exception of Sweden and the United Kingdom. Centre-right parties across all countries support full military, financial, and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and explicitly recognise Russia as a threat to European security.

 

A significant share of far-right parties hold an ambiguous or openly contrary position. The Dutch PVV declares support for Ukraine but refuses material and military assistance. The French National Rally limits its support for Ukraine primarily to humanitarian aid and avoids a clear assessment of Russia as a threat. The Spanish Vox and Italian Lega also hold ambiguous positions on supporting Ukraine and acknowledging the threat from Russia. The Polish Confederation is openly opposed to supporting Ukraine and does not regard Russia as a genuine threat. Alternative for Germany holds similar views.

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CRIME

Right-wing parties see stronger public order measures, harsher punishments, and action against illegal migration as the main routes to reducing crime.

 

European right-wing parties rely on a doctrine of ‘law and order’ to combat crime and raise internal security, which means increasing the number of police officers - including for additional patrols - and additional funding for law enforcement. These measures enjoy support across the entire right.

 

Approaches to expanding police powers vary, however. Centre-right parties generally limit their support to improving technical equipment, surveillance capabilities, and investigative capacity. Far-right parties favour tough public order measures and, under certain conditions, the deployment of the army to enhance internal security.

 

Right-wing parties also support harsher sentences for criminals. Centre-right parties generally back tougher punishments in specific, clearly defined cases such as violent crimes, reoffending, participation in organised crime, and multiple criminal offences. Far-right parties propose stricter criminal law more broadly: Alternative for Germany, for instance, insists on setting criminal responsibility from the age of 12. Other far-right parties lean towards applying standard criminal law from the age of 16.

 

One of the key conceptual differences between moderate and far-right parties is their view of the prison system. Centre-right parties mostly favour a balanced approach in which punishment is proportionate but the system provides conditions for the reintegration of offenders. Far-right parties shift the emphasis exclusively to the punitive function, minimising the rehabilitative component. PVV in the Netherlands supports cutting the costs of holding prisoners, while Reform UK focuses primarily on the severity of sentences.

 

Far-right parties consistently link high crime rates to immigration which is one of their core ideological positions. The Dutch PVV and JA21 support denaturalisation and deportation of dual-nationality criminals, with PVV also backing the direct deportation of immigrants who commit crimes. The Spanish Vox argues that fewer migrants from Africa and Asia means less crime. The Sweden Democrats support the deportation of criminal migrants and stripping naturalised Swedish citizens of their citizenship for serious offences.

 

Alternative for Germany insists on firm resistance to ‘parallel communities’ that destabilise society from within. By ‘parallel communities’, the far right means immigrants, primarily from Muslim-majority countries, who form concentrated settlements.

 

Centre-right parties, while supporting the deportation of criminal migrants, do not rely on a direct link between immigration and crime as their primary argument.

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EMPLOYMENT AND SOCIAL POLICY

Right-wing parties combine reductions in social benefits with lower taxes, and see greater freedom for business to create jobs as the answer to unemployment.

 

The right’s solution to employment problems lies in market mechanisms and economic liberalisation. Any benefits for the unemployed should be considerably less attractive than work. Right-wing parties argue that the social security system needs reform to encourage people to seek employment, with government playing a supporting role by creating mechanisms to incentivise, and sometimes compel, entry into the workforce.

 

Labour market deregulation is a key priority for the right. Simplifying hiring procedures and reducing taxes on employing additional workers would ease the bureaucratic burden on business and encourage job creation. The same logic applies to the minimum wage, which right-wing parties argue should be set by employers rather than government. Some far-right parties, such as the French National Rally, plan to incentivise businesses to hire their own citizens by making it economically unattractive to employ migrants.

 

The right’s alternative to social benefits is tax cuts. All right-wing parties support reducing taxes, especially for the middle class and low-income citizens, though the right is broadly opposed to higher taxes on the wealthy. The Spanish People’s Party opposes wealth and luxury taxes.

 

Far-right parties including the Confederation, Alternative for Germany, the Sweden Democrats, and Reform UK argue that government social support should be for citizens only. Support programmes should focus primarily on families, young people, and older people.

 

Most liberals and centre-right parties in the Netherlands, France, and Germany support raising the retirement age and providing incentives for people to continue working beyond it. Right-wing parties argue that pensioners should be encouraged to do so through tax benefits and other mechanisms.

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ECONOMY AND COST OF LIVING

Right-wing parties base their economic policy on industrial revival, tax cuts, business deregulation, and a broadly more liberal approach to market activity. These same measures, in their view, should also bring prices down.

 

The right sees economic development in terms of cutting taxes on businesses and deregulating commercial activity. This should increase company revenues, which will in turn be invested in new projects, stimulating production growth.

 

Centre-right parties mostly support a market economy model with moderate state regulation, while stressing that market mechanisms should prevail. Far-right parties, particularly libertarians, consistently advocate minimising state intervention and call for significant tax cuts and the abolition of regulations, particularly those linked to the ‘green agenda’.

 

Restoring industrial capacity and investing in new technologies is a point of consensus across the right. Almost all European right-wing parties stress the urgent need to rebuild and develop industry, which in turn requires attracting investment. The right generally seeks this investment from the private sector by improving market conditions.

 

Right-wing parties do not exclude the possibility of state investment, or a combination of public and private capital in dedicated funds. In the Netherlands and France, right-wing parties are more inclined towards state stimulation of industry, while the German Christian Democrats are broadly open to this but approach it cautiously. In Spain, Poland, and Italy, right-wing parties seek greater inflows of foreign investment into the economy, including into industry.

 

A focus on innovation and technology goes hand in hand with industrial revival. The prevailing view among both centre-right and far-right parties is that innovative approaches are the driver of economic development, and the start-up market therefore deserves particular attention and, in some cases, state support.

 

Support for small and medium-sized businesses is a shared priority across the European right, pursued primarily through tax cuts and simplified rules but also through other tools. French right-wing parties favour state support and protectionist measures. In Italy and the United Kingdom, the aim is to improve small and medium-sized businesses’ access to financial markets and government contracts. On trade, right-wing parties mostly support policies oriented towards the free movement of goods. French parties stand out in the European context, with both the Republicans and the National Rally emphasising the importance of protectionism.

 

The right’s answer to the cost of living crisis is large-scale tax cuts, particularly on food and energy, and economic liberalisation. Far-right parties also support sweeping cuts to public spending, for example on social benefits for immigrants, contributions to EU structures, and funding for external support initiatives. This, in their view, should improve the wellbeing and purchasing power of their own citizens. Far-right parties also present reduced immigration as an additional tool for combating rising prices. The Dutch PVV stands somewhat apart here, advocating price regulation on essential goods.

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HEALTHCARE

Right-wing parties support a balance between state and private initiative in healthcare and are broadly positive about attracting labour migrants to work in the sector.

 

The vast majority of European right-wing parties support additional funding for healthcare, directed at the state medical system. At the same time, the right considers a parallel private medical sector, complementing the state system, to be acceptable.

 

Positions on the centralisation of healthcare vary by country. In Sweden, right-wing parties take the view that the health system should be centralised, while in Italy the opposite holds: the right supports a decentralised system in which healthcare is managed by local authorities.

 

On the shortage of medical staff, the right primarily proposes incentives such as higher pay and tax benefits. Expanding medical education and state professional training programmes to make it easier to qualify as junior medical staff are also seen as useful tools.

 

Notably, a significant share of right-wing parties are open to attracting labour migrants as a means of recruiting new medical workers, with Alternative for Germany a clear exception as it emphasises the priority of German citizens in medical roles. European right-wing parties also support initiatives to reduce the workload of healthcare workers, particularly doctors and nurses, and see new technologies including artificial intelligence tools as the means to achieve this.

 

Preserving medical infrastructure in regions and smaller communities is important to the right. Specific approaches vary by country, but the overall direction is towards maintaining district and local hospitals, ensuring the availability of medical services in regional areas so that every citizen has equal access to healthcare regardless of geography, and attracting medical staff to areas with acute staff shortages.


 

MIGRATION POLICY

Right-wing parties insist on stricter migration policy and firm action against illegal migrants, though almost all acknowledge the need for skilled labour migrants.

 

The European right’s position on migration is characterised by a general desire to strengthen border controls, limit illegal flows, and move towards a selective model for admitting foreigners. Despite differences over the degree of strictness, the shared emphasis is on protecting internal security, economic rationality, and preserving cultural identity. For most right-wing parties, countering migration is a prerogative of national government, though they also support action within the framework of the European Union where it can deliver sufficient results.

 

Moderate and far-right parties alike identify illegal migration as the primary problem to overcome. Among the proposed tools are strengthened protection of national borders and EU borders, while far-right parties further propose the deportation of anyone present in the country without a legal basis.

 

The right also argues that the asylum system needs reform. One of the key demands is amending international treaties, or even withdrawing from the European Convention on Human Rights, so that migration policy is determined exclusively by national law.

 

Another popular idea among centre-right and far-right parties is the creation of processing hubs in third countries where asylum applications would be examined before migrants arrive on national territory. An alternative is the submission of asylum applications in the migrants’ countries of origin or in neighbouring states. There is broad right-wing consensus on the need to substantially reduce and regulate refugee flows.

 

Right-wing attitudes towards labour migrants are mostly pragmatic and based on the needs of the economy. Moderate right and even far-right parties support attracting foreign talent, highly skilled workers, and those in shortage occupations, though far-right parties often stress the need to limit the influx of cheap labour, arguing that businesses should reduce their dependence on low-paid migrants and prioritise employing their own citizens.

 

Particular approaches to migration policy vary by country. Spanish right-wing parties, for instance, do not regard the attraction of migrants with ‘shared cultural values’ (evidently meaning Latin Americans) as a problem. The Sweden Democrats stress the complete unacceptability of migrants from outside the European space, while acknowledging that migration from neighbouring countries does not pose as strong a threat to national identity. In Poland, centre-right parties are mainly focused on combating illegal immigration across the Belarusian border. Only the Confederation explicitly advocates the deportation of Ukrainian refugees.

 

Strengthening integration efforts is another important aspect of migration policy for the right. The vast majority of European right-wing parties argue that governments must make every effort to integrate and assimilate newcomers, using compulsory measures where necessary.


 

CLIMATE AND ENVIRONMENT PROTECTION

Right-wing parties are divided on climate and environmental issues. Moderate forces often acknowledge the importance of environmental protection and the threat of climate change, though without politicising the issue. Far-right parties tend to be aggressively opposed to climate and some environmental initiatives.

 

Climate and environmental policy across the right spans a wide spectrum of approaches, from moderate support for the ‘green transition’ to open scepticism and denial of climate change.

 

For centre-right and liberal parties, environmental protection and combating climate change are important goals but should not become an economic burden for citizens or business. The Spanish People’s Party, for example, stresses the need for flexible application of ‘green policy’. The German Christian Democrats aim to achieve climate neutrality by 2045 but without damaging industry. The right broadly supports nature protection and biodiversity, though for far-right parties agriculture sometimes takes precedence.

 

In the energy sector, broad support for nuclear power is common across all right-wing parties, which see it as the foundation for lower prices and economic recovery. Positions on fossil fuels are also fairly pragmatic and European right-wing parties support the use of oil and gas and the development of new fields where possible. On coal, its continued use for energy purposes is supported by far-right parties such as the Polish Confederation and the Dutch JA21. Support for increasing the renewable share of the energy mix comes primarily from centre-right parties.

 

Far-right parties, target their sharpest criticism at the so-called ‘green agenda’. They call for complete withdrawal from all international climate-related treaties such as the Paris Agreement, reject EU environmental policy, and take the view that environmental protection has become overly ideological and has begun to threaten economic stability and national interests.


 

THE RULE OF LAW

Right-wing parties consider restricting migrants’ access to legal aid a priority, while far-right parties also support refusing to comply with international or supranational law where it damages national interests.

 

Right-wing views on the justice system vary considerably by country, but there are also differences within the spectrum. Far-right parties are more inclined to call actively for judicial reform than centre-right ones. A common thread in far-right positions is the demand to abolish or revise anti-discrimination legislation and the concept of ‘hate crime’. In the Netherlands, Sweden, and to some extent Germany, right-wing parties argue that actions based on ‘religious law’ that contradict national legislation are unacceptable.

 

Far-right parties also support the primacy of national law over international or supranational norms. This is closely connected to migration policy but also reflects a broader aspiration for greater national sovereignty.

 

Far-right parties support restricting access to legal aid on the basis of citizenship. The French National Rally declares that legal aid should be available only to citizens or ‘legal immigrants’. Reform UK takes the position that non-citizens should not have access to legal aid.

 

Moderate right-wing parties tend to call for general improvements to the justice system including increasing the number of judges, prosecutors, and court staff to reduce case processing times. In Italy and Poland, there are calls for clear procedural law and a reduction in the bureaucratic burden on the system to speed up its operation. Wider adoption of new technologies in court proceedings is another proposed tool.

 

One characteristic demand of far-right parties is support for ‘direct democracy’, particularly through referendums. Alternative for Germany, the Dutch PVV, and Polish PiS propose holding referendums more frequently on the Swiss model to resolve important domestic policy questions.


 

HOUSING

Right-wing parties see the answer to the housing crisis primarily in greater market freedom, deregulation, and stimulating the private sector, combined with elements of state support.

 

Centre-right parties often set specific quantitative targets for new housebuilding and are more inclined to use public funds to create affordable social housing.

 

A combination of private and public funding is popular: the Spanish People’s Party and British Conservatives, for example, support new housebuilding programmes that bring in private investors alongside government spending. The Dutch JA21 supports state funding of housebuilding at 0.5% of GDP while declaring that the market should determine where and how to build.

 

European right-wing parties seek to use social housing in state or municipal ownership as a form of affordable rental accommodation for young people, families, and vulnerable groups.

 

Far-right parties emphasise that the right to housing from public authorities and related bodies should belong primarily to citizens. The housing shortage is also linked to what they see as an excess of foreigners: the Sweden Democrats, for example, see the path to more affordable housing through reducing the number of immigrants.

 

A key element of right-wing housing programmes is removing bureaucratic obstacles to make construction faster and cheaper. This primarily means simplifying building codes, commissioning rules, and environmental standards, which European right-wing parties see as slowing down construction and market development.

 

Far-right parties often focus specifically on regulations related to ‘sustainability and green development’, arguing that these are a significant barrier to the construction of affordable housing. Right-wing parties also propose allowing the renovation of old and vacant buildings in state and municipal ownership for conversion into residential use.

 

Helping people, particularly young people, access home ownership is another important element of most right-wing parties’ policy. Specific tools range from preferential mortgages to tax relief and direct subsidies. The most common measures are the reduction or abolition of purchase taxes and VAT on first-home purchases.

 

Right-wing parties are broadly reluctant to increase regulation of the rental market, while acknowledging the need to protect tenants’ rights. Far-right parties are the most active opponents of rental regulation, while centre-right parties, though mostly supporting moderate regulation to prevent excessive price increases, are wary of excessive intervention.

 

The right broadly takes the view that liberalising the housing market, including the rental market, should lead to an increase in supply, which in turn will bring prices down.


 

IDENTITY POLITICS

Right-wing parties focus on supporting national identity, family values, and the Christian traditions and cultural and historical heritage of their countries.

 

European right-wing views on identity politics are grounded in conservative values, which in the broadest sense means the continuation of tradition.

 

Moderate right-wing parties tend to adopt less sharp approaches than far-right ones. On cultural identity in particular, the centre-right approach involves recognising the existence of a dominant national culture - the German Christian Democrats, for instance, take this view - as a unifying factor for society as a whole, while simultaneously acknowledging the right of minorities to exist within that cultural framework, and therefore accepting limited diversity.

 

Far-right parties are considerably harder in their position. Society, in their view, should be as homogeneous as possible, and anything that falls outside established norms should be suppressed. Priority is given to preserving traditional culture in its authentic form. The protection of ‘traditional identity’ is frequently used as rhetorical justification for anti-migration and anti-Islamic policy.

 

An appeal to Christian and family values is a characteristic feature of European right-wing parties generally, though the degree of emphasis on the religious dimension varies from moderate to quite pronounced.

 

Centre-right parties mostly present their support for the Christian tradition as a cultural rather than purely religious foundation for society, combining this with secular republican principles and the protection of freedom of religion.

Far-right parties often combine this with anti-Islamic rhetoric, emphasising the unacceptability of certain religious norms on the grounds that they conflict with Christian European values, though far-right parties also declare the principle of freedom of religion.

 

Support for family values in the traditional sense, with the family as the union of a man and a woman oriented towards raising children, is a shared priority across the right.

 

On attitudes towards sexual minorities, centre-right parties display a broad spectrum ranging from moderate tolerance to cautious support, with a characteristic tendency to avoid the subject in public discourse.

 

Moderate right-wing parties mostly do not make this part of their public rhetoric, maintaining a degree of neutrality. Far-right parties hold a considerably clearer position: the ‘gender agenda’ and LGBT activism are threats to traditional values and social stability.

 

Despite declaring recognition of only two biological sexes, far-right parties acknowledge the freedom of sexual minorities to a private life and self-expression, though they oppose gender transition. The primary target is the ideology rather than real individuals. Alternative for Germany leader Alice Weidel has long lived in a civil partnership with another woman, with whom she is raising two adopted children. Reform UK’s former chairman and deputy leader, David Bull, is openly gay.

 

Opposition to ‘progressive’ or ‘woke’ culture is broadly visible across most of the right. Right-wing parties mostly criticise the excessive public imposition of ideology that undermines traditional values and restricts freedom of speech, particularly phenomena such as ‘cancel culture’ and an excessive emphasis on diversity in public life. Far-right parties themselves, however, frequently resort to attacks on freedom of speech and expression, particularly regarding sexual or religious identity. Centre-right parties generally focus on the most extreme manifestations of ‘woke’ ideology, while far-right parties treat the ‘progressive agenda’ as a systemic threat to national identity and social stability.

 

On attitudes towards the colonial past and contentious chapters of national history, the picture is similar. Centre-right parties mostly declare condemnation of the most obvious crimes of the past such as Nazism, fascism, and some aspects of colonial policy while emphasising the positive chapters of national history and cultural heritage. The underlying position is that, despite the existence of contentious moments in history and the importance of acknowledging them, the past is something to be proud of and its historical memory preserved.

 

Far-right parties hold a more pronounced position on protecting the image of national history from attempts to ‘tarnish’ it. Characteristic features include firm rejection of historical revisionism and ‘cancel culture’ applied to historical figures and events, the preservation of traditional symbols and monuments, and in some cases an actively positive reinterpretation of the colonial past.


 

SUMMARY

• European right-wing parties display broad consensus on key principles: strengthening security and defence, cutting taxes, deregulating the economy, limiting migration, and protecting national identity.

   

• The conviction running across the entire right-wing spectrum is that market mechanisms should prevail over state regulation. Where moderate right-wing parties see the answers to today’s challenges in action within existing institutions, far-right parties hold the political ‘establishment’ and uncontrolled migration responsible for all problems.

   

• Right-wing parties devote considerable attention to strengthening defence capacity, with almost universal support across the spectrum. In tackling crime, they rely on strengthening public order, tougher punishments, and action against illegal migration.

   

• The social policy platform of right-wing parties is built on reducing social benefits in combination with lower taxes, with unemployment to be addressed by giving business greater freedom to create jobs.

   

• The economic policies of right-wing parties are based on industrial revival, tax cuts, business deregulation, and a more liberal approach to market activity, with these same steps also expected to help bring prices down.

   

• On healthcare, right-wing parties advocate a balance between state and private initiative and are broadly in favour of attracting labour migrants to the sector.

   

• Right-wing parties insist on a stricter overall migration policy and decisive action against illegal migration, while defending the continued acceptance of skilled foreign workers.

   

• Restricting migrants’ access to legal aid is an important priority, with far-right parties additionally supporting refusal to comply with international or supranational norms where these conflict with national interests.

   

• Right-wing parties propose addressing the housing crisis primarily through expanding market freedom, deregulation, and stimulating the private sector, combined with certain elements of state support.

   

• On values, right-wing parties focus on protecting national identity, family values, and the preservation of the Christian traditions and cultural and historical heritage of their countries.